By John S. Saul
Two decades on from the autumn of apartheid in South Africa, veteran analyst and activist John S. Saul examines the liberation fight, putting it in a local and worldwide context and looking out at how the preliminary optimism and desire has given option to a feeling of main issue following hovering inequality degrees and the bloodbath of staff at Marikana.
With chapters on South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique, Saul examines the truth of southern Africa’s post-'liberation' plight, drawing at the insights of Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral and assessing claims new 'precariat' has emerged.
Saul examines the continuing 'rebellion of the poor', together with the new Marikana bloodbath, that experience shaken the zone and should sign the potential for a brand new and extra hopeful destiny.
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Extra info for A Flawed Freedom: Rethinking Southern African Liberation
So the question remains: how might one hope, even expect, that the diverse instances of resistance that are visible could come to pose hegemonic alternatives in southern Africa to the recolonization that has been the fate of that part of the continent in the wake of its seeming “liberation”? What might Africans on the ground in the region have to do next, and how can they best be supported from outside in doing so? Equally importantly, how might residents of the global North organise themselves in order – with respect to any “next liberation support struggle” – to best assist them: staying the hand of our own governments and corporations on the one hand, and speaking out clearly and effectively on behalf of such movements for genuine liberation on the ground, on the other?
P. ” in Studies in Political Economy, #86 (Autumn). ” For, far from accumulation and mass consumption being warring opposites, the premise would then be that accumulation could be driven forward precisely by finding outlets for production in meeting the growing requirements, the needs, of the mass of the population! An effective industrialization strategy would thus base its “expanded reproduction” on ever increasing exchanges between city and country, between industry and agriculture, with food and raw materials moving to the cities and with consumer goods and producer goods (the latter defined to include centrally such modest items as scythes, iron ploughs, hoes, axes, fertilizers and the like) moving to the countryside.
And this potential problem was exactly what the Arusha Declaration and Mwongozo seemed, equally eloquently, to be about: a concrete attempt to control elitism within the ranks of the newly emergent nations. True, both declarations were more powerful in their mere statement than in the substance of their realization. ) perspectives on the post-colonial reality to surface during the Arusha years – perhaps most strikingly in a newspaper account (in The Nationalist) of a public speech given by Nyerere at that time: Nyerere called on the people of Tanzania to have great confidence in themselves and to safeguard the nation’s hard-won freedom.